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Movement of Jah People
For All Nails #169: Movement of Jah People by David Mix Barrington ---- :Executive Palace :Burgoyne, Pennsylvania, N.C., CNA :9 January 1975 "So y'all're tellin' me that Ah'm goin' into this thing tryin' to steal the pot with a pair of fours?" There were times, Michael Murphy thought, when the Governor-General's language actually clarified things. "Militarily, yes, Governor-General. Our land forces are stronger now but still not prepared for sustained action overseas. If we fight the Royal Navy on the seas we'll both lose a lot of ships. We can achieve air superiority, but we aren't equipped to use it effectively to destroy an enemy army." "An' they've called our bluff with the banking thing." "I'm afraid so, Governor-General. With the immediate line of credit from Taiwan they can wait out any immediate financial crisis. They've mortgaged their financial independence to Taiwan now, just as they've mortgaged their military independence to Germany. I'm frankly not sure what they think they're doing." The Special Envoy to Mexico made a rare foray into the conversation from Mexico City, via the outspeaker. "El Popo told me about a game the young men play with their lokes in Arizona state, called el rodar. Two lokes come straight at each other at top speed, and the last driver to turn aside wins." There was a brief silence, as Monaghan appeared to have finished. Skinner broke it. "And yo' meaning would be, Guv'nor?" "The winner is the one who can convince the other he's crazier. If we play that game with Gold, we lose." Silence again -- Monaghan's logic seemed compelling. But this was the opening Murphy needed. "Governor-General, I think we might be able to improve your pair of fours to two pair or maybe even three of a kind. It is a somewhat crazy idea ..." When he had finished, Skinner had only one question. "What about Newfoundland, Michael? Can we try the same thing there?" "I don't think so, Governor-General, their whole national identity is based on their not being part of us. There is a sizable pacifist and isolationist sentiment there, but any involvement with it on our part would be sure to backfire." "Way-ell, this looks like the best shot we have left. Let's go with it. Gov'nor?" Monaghan on the outspeaker again. "I concur, Governor-General." "Then we'll dam' well see what Sir Geoffrey thinks of this." ---- :Parliament House :Bridgetown, Barbados :13 January 1975 Robinson Alleyne was an unusually inexpressive man. His temperament suited the position of Speaker of the House of Assembly, the neutral presiding officer of the lower house of the island's Parliament. He had heard that bets were taken as to how many passers-by he would acknowledge on his daily walk to the pink stone buildings, through the yard of St. Michael's Church, past the fishing boats in the Careenage, by the statue of Nelson in New Orleans Square -- seldom would he nod to more than three or four. Distance was necessary, distance and dignity, he thought. The House needed his distance from the fray and his personal dignity, on this day of all days. He quieted the House with one quick rap of his gavel. "Order! The House of Assembly of the Britannic Sovereignty of Barbados is called to order. We will begin with the invocation. Father?" "Oh Lord, God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, who in the earthly form of your son Our Lord Jesus Christ brought us salvation, whose Holy Spirit in the name of Jah was with our ancestors in Africa, in exile, in slavery, and in freedom, we humbly ask thy blessing on our royal sovereign Henry, and on these leaders of our people assembled here. Grant them, we pray, a measure of the wisdom of Our Lord God, a measure of the compassion of Our Lord Jesus Christ, and a measure of the indomitable spirit of Our Lord Jah. All this we pray, Amen." Robertsian claptrap, Alleyne thought, though his face betrayed nothing. He'd forgotten that it was the turn of St. Philip's Church to provide a chaplain today. Well, it was just as well. They could use the blessings of any God, under any name, to help them with the coming decision. He again rapped the gavel once. "Amen, thank you, Father. The Clerk will now read the resolution under debate." The practiced voice rang out. "Resolved, that the Britannic Sovereignty of Barbados offer all requested assistance to the United Empire in the current situation, and place the armed forces and the militia of the Britannic Sovereignty under the direct command of those officers lawfully placed over them by the United Empire, for the duration of the emergency." A few scattered "Here, here"'s from the Empire Party benches, which Alleyne silenced with a slight movement of his head. "The motion has been read. The Prime Minister." This was it. Only Clyde Worrell himself, a few of his top ministers, and Alleyne knew what was coming next. Worrell stood from his front bench. "Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the resolution." Consternation, as expected. How long to let it run its course? Dignity was important, but the House sometimes needed to let off steam. Ten seconds, fifteen. All right, time to move on. "Order, order!" Two raps of the gavel, and the thirty men in the hall began to settle. "The Prime Minister." "Thank you, Mr. Speaker." A bit of mumbling, but they were ready to hear. "Mr. Speaker, the Government itself introduced this resolution, in conjunction with the Opposition, on Thursday last. Since that time there have been further developments, after which the Government have determined that this resolution is no longer in the best interests of Barbados." Shouts of "What developments?" and one or two shouts of "Treason", again from the Empire Party section. Alleyne gave one rap of the gavel. "Order! The Prime Minister." "Mr. Speaker, I and the honourable Minister for Foreign Affairs have been in intense consultation with a number of foreign governments through the week-end. These have included our brother island sovereignties in the Empire, as well as the Confederation of North America. As I said, the conclusion of the Government, after these consultations, is that the proposed resolution does not serve the best interests of Barbados." "Order! The honourable member from St. James Parish." This was Desmond Weekes, the Leader of the Opposition. He seemed to have gotten a grip on himself, though just barely. "Mr. Speaker, I confess myself amazed at my honourable friend's statement. Our basic loyalty to our King, to our Empire, and to our mother nation demands that we stand with it in a time of crisis! To suggest otherwise is treasonous!" This brought forth howls from the Labour benches in defense of their leader. Time to put a stop to this right now. "Order! I hope I will not need to remind the honourable member from St. James of the standards and protocols of this House." That was the first step in an escalating series of potential reprimands, culminating in his actually addressing the offending member by name. You couldn't have members calling one another traitors and maintain the dignity of a deliberative body. Weekes again collected himself. "I stand reprimanded, Mr. Speaker, and I beg the privilege of withdrawing the final word of my previous remark. I do, however, say that to refuse our last measure of support for the Empire at this juncture is disloyal." "The Prime Minister." "Mr. Speaker, I yield to none in my loyalty to our royal sovereign in his role as the living symbol of the common bonds among the English-speaking peoples. I acknowledge him as my sovereign, just as he is so acknowledged by the Confederation of North America. But, Mr. Speaker, the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain is not my sovereign, and it is his Government that asks our help in this dangerous adventure. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, I say 'asks our help' out of mere politeness, for we have not been asked, Mr. Speaker, we have been ordered to place our bases and our military at the disposal of the Empire, which means, Mr. Speaker, at the disposal of the Prime Minister of Great Britain." "The member from St. James." "Mr. Speaker, the Empire is acting as part of a great coalition of nations to find and punish the arch-criminal Vincent Mercator, and see that his accomplices in Mexico and New Granada are also found and punished. We are called to be part of a mighty mission, might I say a holy mission, in the service of Britannia and of the world." "The Prime Minister." "Mr. Speaker, the legitimate governments of Mexico and of New Granada are themselves acting to find and punish the criminals of Bali. The extent to which other nations may be involved in that investigation and that search should be determined by negotiation, Mr. Speaker, not by a war between nations armed with atomic explosives. Mr. Speaker, I beg you to imagine yourself for a moment as the Prime Minister of New Granada, a man prepared to act ruthlessly in what he believes to be his nation's cause. Enemies of your nation threaten to assemble a force to invade you on various islands they control, near to you and quite distant from them. You have an unknown but small number of atomic explosives. I ask you, Mr. Speaker, what is your first move?" Alleyne, of course, was not expected to respond to this rhetorical question. The sudden stillness in the House chamber suggested that few or no others were prepared to do so. Finally the Leader of the Opposition rose. "Mr. Speaker, I point out that member states of the United Empire depend upon each other for mutual defence. The very ruthless leader, Mr. Speaker, of whom the Prime Minister speaks marshalls his armies and fleets only a few miles from our shores. Does the honourable Prime Minister suggest, Mr. Speaker, that our own limited armed forces can defend our island any more than the people of Trinidad and Tobago were able to defend theirs?" "The Prime Minister." "Mr. Speaker, our consultations with the Confederation of North America have led to binding assurances of mutual support, including the assistance of North American forces currently resident on our island in supervising the orderly withdrawal of Empire forces should that withdrawal be requested by this House. The correlation of forces in the Caribbean has changed considerably, Mr. Speaker, since the events of last summer. I little think, Mr. Speaker, that the Prime Minister of New Granada has any interest in threatening a nearby island if that island were not providing a base for his enemies. Even if he should, Mr. Speaker, a word from one of the two major powers not now aligned against him should set him straight." Worrell continued. "Mr. Speaker, the government of Jamaica have determined upon the course of military dissociation from the Empire's current plans, and acceptance of assistance from North America. The governments of Antigua and Grenada are as we speak debating a similar course, and our decision will weigh heavily with them. I understand the gravity of what I propose, Mr. Speaker, and I fully expect strong arguments to be raised in debate by my honourable friend from St. James and by other members of his party. But this debate must occur, Mr. Speaker, and it must occur today. The war, and I do mean war, planned by the United Kingdom upon New Granada is a mistake. We are in no way required, Mr. Speaker, to participate in that mistake or to aid our British brothers in making it. My hope, Mr. Speaker, is that our action today will lead to true, open negotiations between the powers concerned, so that justice may be carried out without bloodshed between nations." Now several members of the Opposition were rising to speak. It would be a long debate, Alleyne thought. Labour held an 18-11 majority, so the conclusion should be predictable, but the debate had to be held and the issues thoroughly discussed. And his own opinion? That was his alone, forever hidden behind his impassive face. FN1 ---- Forward to FAN #170: For All Time (Part 2). Forward to 10 January 1975: Notes from the Investigation (Part 2). Forward to American War: When the Going Gets Weird. Forward to CNA Politics: When Love Comes to Town. Forward to Caribbean: Guy Walks Into a Bar. Return to For All Nails. Category: American War Category: Caribbean Category: CNA politics